This article originally appeared in Appeal #13, pp. 28-50Abstract In a time where the influx of immigrants with diverse religions conflict with the laws of the majority, the question of how to live together in disagreement when Charter rights collide goes to the heart of pluralism, the 'common good' and the modern liberal exercise in Canada. The recent debates over sharia tribunals, faith-based education, same-sex marriage, and the accommodation of religious marriage commissioners illustrate the difficulties in balancing the religious and 'secular' in the public sphere. This paper looks to liberal theory, freedom of religion jurisprudence, and contemporary thinkers for answers to these timely questions. It advocates for a more deferential, accommodating form of liberalism along the principles of modus vivendi where individual rights are limited only to the extent that they infringe on the rights of others. By moving away from the vague, all-encompassing language of "Charter values" to John Stuart Mill's harm principle, we create a more pluralistic public sphere that gives reasons for religious minorities and ethnic groups to reciprocate such tolerance and participate actively in civil society. If we relegate such views to the private sphere by imposing a 'rational consensus' on a divided public, we do so at our peril. For it will further fragment the civic fabric of Canadian society into scattered islands of faith communities, leaving all sectors impoverished.Introduction Liberalism is not a possible meeting ground for all cultures; it is the political expression of one range of cultures and quite incompatible with other ranges. . . Liberalism is also a fighting creed1 —Charles TaylorHere I stand, I can do no other2 —Martin LutherOn the 25th anniversary of Canada's Charter of Rights and Freedoms ("Charter"), the entrenchment of individual rights, the strategic litigation that followed and the policy-laden decisions of the Supreme Court have left some groups rejoicing with others shaking their heads (and pulpits). The rights of women,3 gays and lesbians,4 official language minorities5 and the criminally accused6 have arguably been accelerated beyond what reluctant legislatures would have enacted. On the other hand, the Charter has largely been a disappointment for a range of sectors like poverty advocates,7 law enforcement,8 racialized groups9 and many religious groups.10 Religious leaders would have been shocked had they known in 1982 that this liberal rights document would be the catalyst, and in some cases impetus, for extending civil marriage to gays and lesbians, quashing a school board's decision not to license books depicting homosexual relationships, compelling a religious private printer to serve a gay advocacy organization, and striking down legislation that prohibited Sunday trading. The development of freedom of religion jurisprudence under the Charter has left the Canadian state, judiciary, and society at large grappling with some fundamental questions. How do we balance the equality rights of gays and lesbians asserted under s. 15 with the religious freedoms of marriage commissioners protected under s. 2(a)? How can we reconcile temporal and divine sources of authority when the rule of law and the supremacy of God collide? How can a "secular" state encourage religious diversity, pluralism and the "common good"? Such questions depend on how they are framed and how we define and understand liberalism, pluralism, the 'secular' and the rule of law. In a time where the rights of same-sex couples and the freedoms of religious groups have come to a head, and where the influx of immigrants with diverse religions conflict with the laws of the majority, this question of how we live together in disagreement goes to the heart of pluralism, the 'common good' and the modern liberal exercise in Canada. In this paper, I will argue that the best way of accommodating different faiths, cultures and worldviews when rights collide is a modus vivendi approach, as articulated by John Gray.11 Modus vivendi is a more honest, accommodating and genuinely tolerant face of liberalism, which seeks pluralistic, peaceful coexistence as its end goal as opposed to a rational consensus dictated by the judiciary in the name of all-encompassing "Charter values." Indeed, liberalism itself was borne out of a theory of the common good that was focused on the individual, free from interference and imposition by the sovereign, the Church or the state. That said, the judiciary does have a duty to mediate this pluralism by ensuring that the assertion of the rights of one individual does not infringe on the rights of another. In delineating that fine line in the sand, this paper will advocate a return to John Stuart Mill's harm principle—using individual rights as deliberative markers of harm. In the conflict between claims of same-sex equality and religious freedom—be it in public education, civil marriage or private businesses—the adversarial, winner-take-all litigation model is poorly designed for peaceful coexistence and should be used as a last resort only when individual rights have been infringed. It is the realm of civil society that is better suited for not simply tolerating difference, but understanding and embracing it. Part I of this paper will canvas the ideas of liberal theorists John Gray, Charles Taylor,12 and John Stuart Mill.13 Part II will examine the freedom of religion jurisprudence in the pre and post- Charter era with respect to Sunday closing laws, residential by-laws, and same-sex equality claims in civil marriage, public education and private businesses. Part III will analyze the Canadian experience of attempting to balance so-called "secular" liberalism and religious freedom, drawing on the writings of Chief Justice Beverly McLachlin,14 Jean Bethke Elsthtain,15 Iain T. Benson,16 Bruce MacDougall,17 and Benjamin Berger.18 Part IV will look at some contemporary examples in Canada like the tension between same-sex civil marriage and religious marriage commissioners, and present the case for a more inclusive, pluralistic liberalism where Charter rights of religious freedom and equality collide.Part I: The Changing Faces of Liberalism Liberalism is one of the most commonly used, yet least understood, concepts in politics and law. Part of the problem lies in its very definition, which varies widely based on different theorists, countries and time periods. This paper does not attempt to explain or reconcile the myriad understandings of liberalism but rather to juxtapose the ideas of certain theorists with contemporary issues in Canada and challenge some of the "liberal" assumptions underlying recent jurisprudence. Liberalism's common features include the high valuation of individual reason, liberty and agency, with an understanding of law as a tool to limit the state's interference in the lives of the individual.19 Liberalism seeks to respect individual moral thought, free from moral or epistemological claims of "truth." However, where these commonly-held views diverge is in the interpretation of tolerance, universal values, and the growing challenge of cultural pluralism. In this paper, I will attempt to illustrate how the "liberal" judicial treatment of civic or Charter values has moved us away from the classical liberal tenets of individual autonomy and negative liberty into the imposition of a societal consensus of the "common good" as defined by the Supreme Court of Canada (the "SCC"). In Two Faces of Liberalism, John Gray presents two contradictory principles that lie at the heart of liberal tolerance. He summarizes these conflicting faces of liberalism as follows: In one, toleration is justified as a means to truth. In this view toleration is an instrument of rational consensus, and a diversity of ways of life is endured in the faith that it is destined to disappear. In the other, toleration is valued as a condition of peace, and divergent ways of living are welcomed as marks of diversity.20In the first view, "rational consensus" liberalism is rooted in the enlightenment project of a universal civilization. From this perspective, "liberal toleration is the pursuit of an ideal form of life."21 This is the language of universal values or human rights, which has greatly impacted international law in the last fifty years. In Canada, these are articulated as "Charter values" or "civic values" like security, dignity and autonomy. According to Gray, this liberalism of a universal regime is supported by such theorists as John Locke, Immanuel Kant, and in more recent times, John Rawls and F.A. Hayek. Arguably, Ronald Dworkin, one of the chief proponents of Rawls' conception of liberalism, should also be included on this list. In the second view, modus vivendi liberalism is rooted in the peaceful coexistence of warring communities and different ways of life. Modus vivendi embodies an older current of liberal thought about toleration in expressing the belief that there are many forms of life in which humans can thrive.22 The aim here is not for convergence or the "good life", but rather to reconcile individuals and ways of life honouring conflicting values to a life in common.23 According to Gray, theorists like Thomas Hobbes, David Hume, Isaiah Berlin and Michael Oakeshott have expressed this liberalism of peaceful coexistence. As I will explain in greater detail in Part III, this modus vivendi approach is particularly salient in the Canadian context, not only because of the influx of immigrants with diverse faith backgrounds, but because of Canada's "neutral but supportive" position with respect to religious groups. This complex reality is ill served by the false dichotomies of church vs. state, religious vs. secular, the rule of law vs. the supremacy of God and public vs. private religious expression. Far from being mutually exclusive, the accommodation and encouragement of diverse faiths in a pluralistic public sphere can actually strengthen civil society and the social fabric of Canada. Relegating religious views to the private sphere creates the illusion of a secular society where equality reigns supreme. In reality, it will only serve to further isolate, alienate and fragment religious groups in the dark corners of Canada's mosques, churches, synagogues and temples, far removed from public scrutiny, accountability and a common space to live together in disagreement. As a deeply multicultural society built on immigrants of a diversity of ethnic backgrounds, how we understand liberalism in Canada has profound impacts on citizenship, religion and the rule of law. Writing from the Canadian experience, Charles Taylor is critical of the purported neutrality and comprehensiveness of liberal claims, arguing that "[l]iberalism is not a possible meeting ground for all cultures; it is the political expression of one range of cultures, and quite incompatible with other ranges. . .[l]iberalism is also a fighting creed."24 Taylor suggests that people are always acting and finding meaning in a normative context. Therefore, what is considered as the "good" in a liberal polity reflects a certain cultural reality and is poorly designed to meet the challenge of contemporary cultural pluralism. Taylor's view of a liberal society is "one that is trying to realize in the highest degree certain goods or principles or right."25 However, the concept of the good life is deeply value-laden and in a society that is getting more multicultural by the day, Taylor advocates for ethically richer notions of liberalism to meet the demands of such diversity. It is precisely this claim of comprehensiveness, recently espoused by Chief Justice McLachlin with respect to the constitutional rule of law,26 which jars against individual freedom, religious faith, and the submission of devout adherents to an entirely different worldview that cannot simply be relegated to the private sphere. However, if we see liberalism for what it really is — one of many ideological frameworks based in a specific cultural context with its accompanying normative assumptions—we can begin to enlarge the debate and the public sphere to better accommodate religious and cultural groups. Once again, the goal here should not be societal consensus with the SCC as the vehicle for "secular" liberalism, but an expansive pluralism that is limited only by Mill's harm principle. Much guidance can be found in John Stuart Mill's On Liberty, one of the foundational texts on liberalism that remains highly influential in any rights discourse. Mill was primarily concerned by the exercise of power by society over an individual. He is credited as the first to articulate the harm principle in order to delineate the limitations on the rights and freedoms of the state in respect to individuals, and of individuals in respect to each other: The sole end for which mankind are warranted, individually or collectively, in interfering with the liberty of action of any of their number is self-preservation. That the only purpose for which power can be rightfully exercised over any member of a civilized community, against his will, is to prevent harm to others.27Mill believed that the individual was sovereign over his own body and mind and he should not be compelled to do what is considered wise, right or moral in the eyes of others. This idea that the rights and freedoms of an individual or group only extend until they infringe on the rights of others has been fundamental to contemporary liberal societies and the rights revolution in Canada. Only by critically examining the historical treatment of liberalism in the writings of theorists like Mill, Gray and Taylor, can we fully understand, and indeed challenge, the values underlying freedom of religion jurisprudence outlined in Part II. As I will explain in greater detail in Part IV, by moving away from the vague language of Charter values to Mill's harm principle, we follow a more honest conception of liberalism that searches for a way of living together in disagreement to better accommodate competing rights in the public sphere.Part II: Freedom of Religion Jurisprudence in Canada To fully understand Canada's "neutral yet supportive" approach to religious groups, a historical analysis of the statutory, constitutional and common law protections of religious freedoms is necessary. With the religious conflicts of the Old World still fresh in the minds of colonial powers, Canada's early history was marked by a robust protection for Protestants and Catholics. The roots of these protections can be traced back to the Articles of Capitulation for Quebec (1759) and Montreal (1760), which granted the inhabitants of the cities "the free exercise of the Roman religion."28 The Treaty of Paris (1763), which put an end to imperial wars in Canada, clearly affirmed the rights of Roman Catholics in Quebec. This was further articulated in the Quebec Act (1774), which expanded religious freedom by replacing the oath of allegiance's reference to the Protestant faith, guaranteeing the free exercise of the Roman Catholic faith (more protection than was given to Catholics in England!) and empowering the Crown to support the Protestant religion and clergy. And although the British North America Act (1867) had no specific freedom of religion provision, s. 93 did entrench the protection of minority Roman Catholic and Protestant schools in Ontario and Quebec. The mid-20th century witnessed a dark chapter in Canada's history for religious groups like the Doukhobors in British Columbia29 and Jehovah's Witnesses in Quebec under Premier Maurice Duplessis. In a series of events beginning in the 1930s up until the Quiet Revolution of the 1960s, the challenges faced by Jehovah's Witnesses at the hands of Quebec police, municipalities and provincial governments were indicative of Canada's early history of religious freedom. The cases that followed illustrated the need for a constitutional remedy to limit the powers of the state. In Saumur v. City of Quebec,30 a Jehovah's Witness challenged the validity of a by-law of the City of Quebec forbidding distribution of any book, pamphlet, booklet, circular or tract without permission from the Chief of Police. The SCC overturned the decisions at the trial and appellate levels by ruling that the by-law did not extend so as to prohibit Jehovah's Witnesses from distributing their writings. Rand J. established religious freedom as a "principle of fundamental character" and stated the following: Freedom of speech, religion and the inviolability of the person, are original freedoms which are at once the necessary attributes and modes of selfexpression of human beings and the primary conditions of their community life within a legal order.31Thus, religion is interpreted as being much more than mere choice, but rather a fundamental aspect of identity, community and self-expression. This expansive view of religion stands in stark contrast to later Charter decisions like Brockie (before being overturned on this point by the Ontario Divisional Court) and Chamberlain which would restrict religion to the private sphere or to the realm of belief and not action whenever it conflicts with Charter values. I would argue that this view of the comprehensiveness of religious adherence better serves the current debate over conflicting rights which has tended to reduce religious beliefs to one of many rational choices that must be measured against, and limited by, Charter values. A landmark constitutional case involving religious freedom is Roncarelli v. Duplessis.32 The plaintiff Roncarelli, a Montreal restaurant owner, had his liquor license cancelled at the instigation of Premier Maurice Duplessis after he had acted as bailsman for a number of Jehovah's Witnesses charged with violating municipal by-laws prohibiting the distribution of religious literature. Rand J, in his oft-cited reasons for the majority judgement, ruled that Duplessis had exceeded his official powers and the unwritten constitutional principle of the rule of law meant no public official was above the law. As a result of Saumur and Roncarelli v. Duplessis, the SCC had given implicit constitutional status to freedom of religion, limited only by rational laws of general application. These early cases reflected a more pluralistic liberalism by limiting Duplessis' vision of the "common good" in favour of common institutions that promoted the peaceful coexistence of Jehovah's Witnesses and the Catholic majority in Quebec's public sphere. They also underlined a tension between religious freedom and the laws of the majority that is still playing itself out today. As we will see, the Charter jurisprudence has been far from clear, though the recent SCC decisions in Amselem33 and Multani34 appear to be returning to a more expansive interpretation of religious freedom with a duty of reasonable accommodation.The Scope and Content of Religious Freedom in the Charter Era After the disappointing jurisprudence following the enactment of the Canadian Bill of Rights,35 the Charter articulated Pierre Elliott Trudeau's vision for a constitutionally entrenched individual rights document to unite the country, limit state power and provide the legal protections for a flourishing multicultural society. Following on from the practices of many countries (and in keeping with international human rights doctrine), Canada entrenched a rights document with explicit protections for freedom of religion in a number of places. Religious freedom is upheld in s. 2(a), as well as s. 15 which prohibits discrimination based on religious grounds. Even the Charter preamble itself evokes religious doctrine in establishing that "Canada is founded upon principles that recognize the supremacy of God and the rule of law."36 Although certain commentators and judges have dismissed the supremacy of God as a "dead letter. . .that can only be resurrected by the Supreme Court of Canada",37 its conjunctive inclusion alongside the rule of law speaks to its continuing relevance in our "secular" state, as has been argued by Iain T. Benson.38 Other commentators have also criticized the "dead letter" approach as failing to give proper weight to the history, purpose and relevance of the Charter's preamble.39 According to Bruce Ryder,40 the supremacy of God is best understood as a reminder of the state's role in not just respecting the autonomy of faith communities, but also in nurturing and supporting them in an even-handed manner.41 Following along this line, Gonthier J., writing for Bastarache J. and himself in the Chamberlain dissent, referred to the preamble as having interpretive weight for a more religiously inclusive conception of the "secular" when he notes that "the preamble to the Charter itself establishes that ". . .Canada is founded upon principles that recognize the supremacy of God and the rule of law."42 The scope and content of s. 2(a) was first articulated in Big M. Drug Mart, a leading authority on freedom of religion in Canada. The respondent grocery store, Big M Drug Mart, challenged the Federal Lord's Day Act43 that prohibited retailers from carrying on business on a Sunday. The SCC held that since the purpose of the Lord's Day Act was to compel religious observance of a sectarian Christian ideal, it violated the religious freedom of non-Christian Canadians under s. 2(a) and was not saved by s. 1. In his reasons, Dickson C.J. expressed the core of religious freedom as follows: A truly free society is one which can accommodate a wide variety of beliefs, diversity of tastes and pursuits, customs and codes of conduct. A free society is one which aims at equality with respect to the enjoyment of fundamental freedoms and I say this without any reliance upon s. 15 of the Charter. Freedom must surely be founded in respect for the inherent dignity and the inviolable rights of the human person. The essence of the concept of freedom of religion is the right to entertain such religious beliefs as a person chooses, the right to declare religious beliefs openly and without fear of hindrance or reprisal, and the right to manifest religious belief by worship and practice or by teaching and dissemination.44Dickson's language of extending religious freedom only to the point that "such manifestations do not injure his or her neighbours or their parallel rights to hold and manifest beliefs and opinions of their own"45 relies heavily on Mill's harm principle. He continues along Mill's path in writing that freedom of religion is limited to protect "public safety, order, health or morals or the fundamental rights and freedoms of others."46 In the Court's analysis, such freedom to manifest one's beliefs free from coercion or constraint is grounded in the inherent dignity and rights of the human person. This concept of "dignity" and the way in which it comes to be interpreted and applied has proven to be a critical question in the evolution of freedom of religion jurisprudence in Canada, most notably in balancing s. 2(a) religious freedoms against s. 15 equality rights of same-sex couples. Two other important precedents that flow from Big M Drug Mart should also be noted. First, Chief Justice Dickson refused to limit s. 2(a) to the content of the freedom as it stood in 1982 or in the Canadian Bill of Rights. In doing so, he opened the door to broad judicial discretion as to the content of s. 2(a) that could evolve over time. Any limitations on the scope of s. 2(a) would have to take place under the s. 1 override clause. Second, the formal equality rule that overlooks personal differences in applying equal treatment was rejected in favour of substantive or "true" equality as it relates to religious freedom. Chief Justice Dickson ruled that "[t]he equality necessary to support religious freedom does not require identical treatment of all religions. In fact, the interests of true equality may well require differentiation in treatment."47 Thus, each individual case will be concerned with the impact of the law on different religious groups, which may require differential treatment and a highly contextual analysis. One year later, Chief Justice Dickson considered a similar question in Edwards Books,48 a case which challenged the constitutionality of a Sunday-closing law in Ontario. Four Ontario retailers were charged with failing to ensure that no goods were sold on a Sunday contrary to the Retail Business Holidays Act.49 An exemption existed under s. 3(4) of the Act which allowed stores to open on Sunday if they had been closed on Saturday, with no more than seven employees working and less than 5,000 square feet of retail space to serve the public. Writing for the majority, Dickson C.J. upheld the Act and its partial exemption as a reasonable limit on freedom of religion under s. 1. In distinguishing Big M Drug Mart, Dickson characterized the purpose of the Act as being non-religious, invoking the need for a common day of rest for purely secular reasons. Edwards Books shows greater deference to legislatures in emphasizing the reasonableness of the state's objective (giving people a day of rest) over the infringement itself. After having rejected the distinction between belief and action in Big M Drug Mart, Dickson also rejected the previously-held distinction between direct and indirect burdens on freedom of religion: "all coercive burdens on religious practice, be they direct or indirect, intentional or unintentional, foreseeable or unforeseeable, are potentially within the ambit of s. 2(a)."50 By constitutionally prohibiting indirect burdens that effectively degrade the ability to practice one's religion, Edwards Books affirmed Big M Drug Mart's broad interpretation of freedom of religion, subject only to the infliction of harm, or the infringement on the rights of others. Another important chapter in the freedom of religion story is the recent case of Syndicat Northcrest v. Amselem.51 Although it did not deal with same-sex equality claims, the comprehensive legal test and broad interpretation of religious freedom will undoubtedly influence the balancing exercise when such rights collide in the future. The appellants, Orthodox Jews who co-owned units in luxury buildings in Montreal, set up succahs on their balconies to fulfill the biblically mandated obligation to dwell in temporary huts during the annual 9-day Jewish festival of Succot. They challenged the by-laws in the declaration of co-ownership which prohibited decorations, alterations and constructions on the balconies. In a 5-4 decision, the majority held that the burdens placed upon the appellants constituted a non-trivial interference and thus an infringement of their s. 2(a) rights to dwell in a succah during the festival of Succot. It also broadly defined religion itself as follows: In essence, religion is about freely and deeply held personal convictions or beliefs connected to an individual's spiritual faith and integrally linked to his or her self-definition and spiritual fulfillment, the practices of which allow individuals to foster a connection with the divine or with the subject or object of that spiritual faith.52After Amselem, the "value" of a religious belief in the eyes of the Court no longer mattered. What mattered was simply whether the belief was deeply held and integral to the claimant's self-definition. This comprehensive definition, which affirmed religion as integral to identity, was a welcome change from the confused and narrow interpretation in Chamberlain. The majority then established the scope and content of freedom of religion under the Quebec Charter of Human Rights and Freedoms and the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms as follows: freedom to undertake practices and harbour beliefs, having a nexus with religion, in which an individual demonstrates he or she sincerely believes or is sincerely undertaking in order to connect with the divine or as a function of his or her spiritual faith, irrespective of whether a particular practice or belief is required by official religious dogma or is in conformity with the position of religious officials.53Thus, Amselem stands for the important precedent that a "religious belief" need not be reasonable, objectively held or sanctioned by official dogma, but rather a "sincerely held belief with a nexus with religion." Once non-trivial interference in a religious belief is established, religious conduct can only be limited if it would potentially cause harm or interference with the rights of others with a view to the underlying context in which the conflict arises. This legal framework broadening the scope of freedom of religion was affirmed in Multani. In a 5-3 decision (Major J. took no part in the judgement), the majority quashed a decision by a public school's council of commissioners to prohibit Multani from carrying a concealed kirpan (Sikh ceremonial dagger) to school. Since the religious belief was sincerely held and the burden was non-trivial, Multani's freedom of religion was infringed. The Court held that this prohibition could not be saved by s. 1 since it was not minimally impairing. After the broad interpretation of reasonable accommodation for the particularities of sincerely held religious beliefs in Amselem and Multani, the SCC appears to be moving in the direction of a more accommodating modus vivendi. By seeking to accommodate the greatest number of viewpoints in the public square, we move away from the "winner take all" litigation approach towards genuine diversity and tolerance.The Same Sex Story: Balancing Religion and Equality Under the Charter The debate over same-sex rights under the Charter has transcended law into the realm of culture, religion, identity and politics. The conflict between same-sex equality and freedom of religion has become the focal point for the competing faces of liberalism, evident in a number of recent cases dealing with civil marriage, freedom of contract and both public and private education. One of the first major cases to balance religious freedom, same-sex equality rights and the civic values articulated by Chief Justice Dickson in Big M Drug Mart was Trinity Western.54 At issue in this case was the refusal of the British Columbia College of Teachers (BCCT) to approve the teacher training program of Trinity Western University (TWU), a private university associated with the Evangelical Free Church of Canada. The BCCT denied the application on the grounds that the student Code of Conduct contained discriminatory practices by having students agree to abstain from "biblically condemned" practices which encompassed "sexual sins. . .including homosexual behaviour."55 A majority of the SCC overturned the decision of the BCCT for lack of evidence that graduates of the TWU program would be unfit to teach in the public school system. As a result, the Court distinguished the protected belief of TWU from the unprotected conduct of graduates in the public school system. Trinity Western implicitly affirmed Mill's harm principle as the most appropriate mechanism to balance competing rights claims. The case was decided in TWU's favour on the absence of evidence that students in the public education system had their rights infringed upon by TWU graduates. Iacobucci J. and Bastarache J. writing for the majority, define the scope of religious freedom as follows: Students attending TWU are free to adopt personal rules of conduct based on their religious beliefs provided they do not interfere with the rights of others. Their freedom of religion is not accommodated if the consequence of its exercise is the denial of the right of full participation in society.56In the absence of evidence of tangible harm through the conduct of TWU graduates, the imposition of a symbolic affirmation of homosexuality in a private, religious school would lead us squarely down the path of rational consensus liberalism. TWU does not need to agree with or publicly affirm homosexual conduct to give effect to s. 15 rights. The impetus for including s. 15 in the Charter was not to use the law to forge a societal consensus on the "good life." The premise of this paper is that the judiciary's duty to intervene is triggered when tangible harm has been caused. If TWU graduates teaching in the public education system were found to be treating homosexual students differently, or substituting their own religious views on homosexuality in place of the curriculum, then a good case could be made for limiting s. 2(a) for infringing on the rights of individual students. However, to proactively restrict Charter rights to protect students from an abstract, nebulous notion of potential harm would fail to provide the kind of accommodation of difference and disagreement that lies at the heart of pluralism. Moving from the private to the public education context, the Chamberlain decision further complicated this conflict of rights with the sensitive issue of the role of parents and teachers in early childhood education. Under the School Act57 of British Columbia, the Minister of Education confers on school boards the authority to approve supplementary education resource material, subject to Ministerial discretion. At issue was the Surrey School Board's decision not to approve three books depicting same-sex parented families for the family life educational curriculum of Kindergarten—Grade One (K-1) children.58 The Board cited the cognitive dissonance and age-appropriateness of such controversial material in light of some parents' objection to the morality of same-sex relationships. The crux of the case rested upon the interpretation of "strictly secular" and "non-sectarian" requirements of the School Act. McLachlin C.J., writing for the majority, quashed the Board's resolution for acting outside of its mandate under the School Act. According to the majority, the Board violated the principles of secularism and tolerance in s.76 of the Act, departed from its own regulation by failing to consider the relevance of the proposed material and needs of children of same-sex parented families, and applied the wrong criteria by failing to consider the goal that all children be made aware of the diversity of family models in society. McLachlin C.J. measured religious freedoms against the Charter values of dignity and tolerance and found that Charter values prevailed. Importantly, all nine judges of the SCC affirmed the unanimous B.C. Court of Appeal's interpretation of "secular" as being religiously inclusive, rejecting the B.C. Supreme Court's characterization of "secular" as "non-religious" or "not influenced even in part by religion." This important shift away from an a-religious secularism would later be affirmed in the SCC decisions of Amselem and Multani. In a lengthy, strongly worded dissent, Gonthier J. (writing for himself and Bastarache J.) would have deferred to the expertise of the School Board and upheld the resolution on administrative law principles. The lack of a privative clause, the local expertise in balancing interests of different groups, the purpose of the Board's authority to allow for local input, and the highly contextual and polycentric nature of the analysis all weighed in favour of deference to the School Board. Gonthier emphasized the paramount role of parents in the education of children and the state's secondary role (especially with the K-1 age group), respecting the decisions of local school boards who can take into account contextual factors and the needs of parents.59 He joined the majority in criticizing the religiously exclusive interpretation of "secular" espoused by Saunders J. of the B.C. Supreme Court in which one's moral view should not be heard in the public square if it manifests from a religiously grounded faith. The reasoning in the dissent echoes the modus vivendi liberalism articulated by John Gray in seeking peaceful coexistence, as opposed to a rational consensus, on the issue of homosexuality. It is fine if a consensus develops organically as is arguably occurring with the death penalty in Canada. But if we are to be honest with Canada's pluralism of faiths and identities, as well as the very impetus for the liberal state, than it is not the role of the judiciary or the state to impose this societal consensus on a divided public. This is perfectly articulated in Gonthier's dissent: Nothing in the Charter, political or democratic theory, or a proper understanding of pluralism demands that atheistically based moral positions trump religiously based moral positions on matters of public policy. . .The key is that people will disagree about important issues, and such disagreement, where it does not imperil community living, must be capable of being accommodated at the core of a modern pluralism.60The true measure of tolerance in a liberal state is found not in our ability to reach a societal consensus along the lines of Charter values, but in our ability to live together peaceably in disagreement. This modus vivendi was the impetus for the liberal state, and must be reclaimed by liberal theorists, political leaders and judges if it is to hold promise and meaning for increasingly diverse societies in an age of globalization. From the realm of education to the private sphere, same-sex equality litigation has also had a significant effect upon freedom of contract under provincial human rights legislation. In Brockie,61 a lower-level but oft-cited case from the Ontario Divisional Court, the appellant Scott Brockie challenged an order of the Board of Inquiry of the Ontario Human Rights Commission requiring him to provide printing services to the Gay and Lesbian Archives (GALA) and other organizations existing for the benefit of gays and lesbians. Brockie held the religious belief that homosexual conduct was sinful and while he did serve homosexual individuals, he argued that s. 2(a) of the Charter protected his religious freedom to refuse service to a gay advocacy organization. The Court found the original order to serve GALA and all related organizations to be overly intrusive in achieving its objectives, but still ordered Brockie to pay the $5,000 in damages and provide printing services to gay and lesbian organizations unless the specific material came into direct conflict with the core elements of his religious beliefs. Notably, the Court rejected Brockie's distinction between discrimination based on sexual orientation and discrimination based on the political act of promoting the causes of those who have such characteristics.62 As Peter Pound and Iain T. Benson have noted, when it comes to human dignity, the distinction between a person and a cause (or political organization) is important.63 If Brockie had happily served homosexual clients, how does his refusal to support a political organization and lobby group on religious grounds infringe upon the rights of GALA? If GALA faced undue hardship in its reasonable accommodation of Brockie's religious beliefs (to use the language of human rights legislation), they might well satisfy the harm principle and thus limit Brockie's freedom of religion. If, on the other hand, any other printer in Toronto could provide the same services, it would be difficult to prove tangible harm and compel Brockie to act against his religious beliefs. In fact, the Canadian Civil Liberties Association intervened in Brockie at the Divisional Court level and argued that there was no valid ground to impose a supposed "state policy" of advancing the "visibility" of gays and lesbians over the beliefs of a citizen such as Brockie to express his own beliefs in the public square. In 2003, EGALE Canada Inc. v. Canada (A.G.)64 was the first of a series of cases across the country that expanded the common law definition of marriage to include same-sex couples. At the time, only Holland, Belgium and Spain had legalized same-sex marriage. In a rapid and radical transformation, the EGALE decision was followed by the Ontario Court of Appeal in Halpern v. Canada (A.G.)65 and the Quebec Court of Appeal in Hendricks c. Quebec (P.G.)66. By 2005, same-sex marriage was legal in all other provinces and territories except for Alberta, P.E.I., Nunavut and the Northwest Territories. In a controversial policy move, the federal government did not appeal any of the decisions, and instead referred draft legislation to the SCC following the Reference Re Same Sex Marriage.67 This led to the enactment of the Civil Marriage Act68 in July 2005, which extended the right of civil marriage to same-sex couples across the country. In the landmark Halpern decision, the Court held that the common law rule in Hyde v. Hyde69 which prescribed marriage as a union between a man and a woman violated s. 15(1) of the Charter by denying homosexual couples access to the regulatory regimes that govern and constitute marriage at law. The Ontario Court of Appeal found that the human dignity of same sex couples had been violated by the discriminatory effect of the formal distinction based on sexual orientation and this could not be saved under s. 1. Accordingly, the existing definition was declared invalid and was reformulated as "the voluntary union for life of two persons to the exclusion of all others."70 The same-sex trilogy of cases and the piece meal evolution of the common law that followed forced the federal government's hand in enacting the Civil Marriage Act on a fiercely divided public in the name of Charter rights.Part III : In Good Faith to Whom? Reconciling Competing Sources of Authority As the case law has shown, the Canadian state is now conceived, in popular and constitutional discourses, as officially "secular" yet supportive of religious pluralism and multiculturalism.71 Religious freedom has been given a wide interpretation, subject only to potential interference in the rights of others. In contrast to the US position at law of an impregnable wall between church and state, the Canadian position is more nuanced. While there is an underlying separation of church and state, Canada's approach to multiculturalism has been translated into a fostering of religious expression and conduct, provided that it is done in a neutral, evenhanded manner. We have only to look at our comparative constitutional elements to explain this difference. According to the First Amendment of the United States Constitution (1791), "Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof".72 This non-establishment clause stands in marked contrast to the Charter Preamble, which recognizes both the supremacy of God and the rule of law. The reconciliation of sacred and secular sources of authority, coupled with Canada's commitment to nurture communities of faith in an even-handed manner, is no simple task for Canada's increasingly pluralistic society of diverse faiths, cultures and identities. Early Charter cases established an expansive definition to religious freedom in an attempt to foster religious practice in an even-handed manner, yet religious values are ultimately evaluated against the values of the rational, non-religious actor, articulated in Canada as the constitutional rule of law. When such worldviews collide in a conflict of rights, religious 'choice' will be only be accepted in belief not action (Trinity Western), private not public (Big M Drug Mart), or if in public, only in accordance with Charter values (Chamberlain). This is a problem that Chief Justice McLachlin, Jean Bethke Elshtain, Iain T. Benson, Bruce MacDougall and Benjamin Berger have all attempted to resolve by finding the proper balance between religious freedom and the 'secular' rule of law.Religion and the Rule of Law: A Dialectic of Citizens or Normative Commitments? Chief Justice McLachlin's article entitled "Freedom of Religion and the Rule of Law: A Canadian Perspective"73 offers us a rare glimpse into the reasoning underlying decisions of the SCC. Far from a cloistered, modest perspective, McLachlin C.J. makes the bold assertion, borrowed from Yale professor Paul Kahn, that the rule of law "makes total claims upon the self and leaves little of human experience untouched."74 As religion exerts a similarly comprehensive claim, the law must assert its own ultimate authority while carving out a space for individuals and communities to manifest alternative, often competing, sets of ultimate commitments. This view demonstrates a "dialectic of normative commitments" which McLachlin C.J. explains as follows: What is good, true, and just in religion will not always comport with the law's view of the matter, nor will society at large always properly respect conscientious adherence to alternate authorities and divergent normative, or ethical, commitments. Where this is so, two comprehensive worldviews collide. . .It is the courts that are most often faced with this clash and charged with managing this dialectic.75This language of "total claims upon self" echoes what was once the exclusive realm of metaphysical claims of complete submission to this ultimate authority. As Iain T. Benson has noted, this worldview positions law as "capable of determining not only what is just but what is 'good' and 'true'."76 The definition and imposition of the "common good" as a sort of objective truth is precisely what liberalism was reacting against. Individual autonomy, not societal consensus as dictated by the state or judiciary, is liberalism's true vehicle for self-fulfillment and the determination of what is "good" and "true." The irony is that the very same liberal values are used by the Chief Justice as a justification of the absolute comprehensiveness of the rule of law. In her response to Chief Justice McLachlin, political philosopher and ethicist Jean Bethke Elshtain questions this characterization of religion and the rule of law as a dialectic of normative commitments. Instead of assuming that law is a comprehensive worldview capable of managing this dialectic, Elshtain views the adversarial legal system as a last resort. Her alternative to McLachlin's "clash of commitments" can be summarized as follows: I believe that the 'dialectic of normative commitments'. . .is (or should be) primarily a dialectic of citizens, variously located, through a culture of democratic argument: citizens engaging one another and sorting things out, as often they will, in a rather untidy, rough and ready way.77Elshtain's view of the goods at stake are not totalistic religious or legal goods, but more complete understandings of a public good, variously derived. Instead of reducing differences of opinions to the rights trump card in the adversarial courtroom, the Courts should take a more modest approach and allow the pluralism of the public sphere to flourish free from pre-emptive adjudication. Only when that pluralism inflicts tangible harm on other groups and individuals should the courts intervene. This "dialectic of citizens" would necessarily take place in the realm of civil society, which I will analyze in greater detail in Part IV. Elshtain also correctly notes that "religious faith is not a private matter: it is constitutive of a form of public membership in a church, temple, synagogue, or mosque."78 Religious adherents79 cannot leave their faith at the gate when they enter the public square. Elshtain's views of the totality of religion are echoed by Benjamin Berger: When religious conscience is properly understood as a pervasive claim upon the lives of believers, a liberalism that demands the severance of moral claims and political positions and a vision of secularism that requires an a-religious public space are irreconcilable with the freedom of religion accorded by the Charter.80To the devout adherent, religious belief infuses all aspects of being. It flows from a divine authority and at the same time "asserts the complete pervasiveness of this transcendent principle."81 Liberalism's fundamental flaw is that while it tolerates different worldviews, it ultimately asserts its superiority over them. It fails to recognize that adherence to a faith community, whether it be religious or non-religious, is more than an individual choice in the rational liberal exercise; it is another valid way of experiencing reality. It is deeply tempting for all of us who view the world through a liberal lens to see religion, like every other decision in life, as a matter of individual choice. However, this approach is blind to the deeper issues at play. When we measure an irrational, divine source of authority against objective reason in the form of the rule of law, the decision is an easy one. This flawed assumption means that the terms of the debate are already decided before religious groups even get to court. However, by failing to understand the values underlying the constitutional rule of law and liberalism itself, we fail to see law and religion for what Berger has described as a "cross-cultural encounter."82Understanding the "Secular" Central to the debate at hand is the way in which basic terms like "secular" are defined and understood. Iain T. Benson has written extensively on the use (and misuse) of "secular" and "secularism" which are frequently cited in defining the contours of law and politics in Canada.83 According to Benson, the "secular" has come to incorrectly signify a realm that is neutral or "religion-free," something which poses a challenge to all religions. He critiques the Chamberlain decision's confused understanding of a-religious "secularism" and the religiously inclusive "secular": Its confusion about secularism led to practical results that did not so much uphold diversity as undermine it. Contrary to the court's own principles, the Chamberlain decision produced a rank-ordering of rights in which the sexual dogma of same-sex advocates effectively trumped all challengers, including those of parents with religious convictions about their children's education.By delving into the historical uses of the term "secular," Benson explains that the Roman Catholic distinction between "secular" and "religious" is purely jurisdictional in the sense that "secular clergy" served in the world (ie. parishes) and "regular clergy" were those who lived according to a "rule" (ie. those who took vows of poverty and obedience) and served outside of the parish.84 From these religious origins, the concept of secularism has become a belief system or faith unto itself. Its purported neutrality and objectivity is dangerously misleading, as it has been elevated to a new form of sectarianism which places explicit belief systems at a marked disadvantage in politics, public education and law itself. Benson advocates for a religiously inclusive view of the state which is not run or directed by a particular religion, but aims to develop a notion of moral citizenship with the widest involvement of religious and non-religious faith groups: A proper understanding of the secular, however, will seek to understand what faith claims are necessary for the public sphere, and a properly constituted secular government (non-sectarian not non-faith) will see as necessary the due accommodation of religiously informed beliefs from a variety of cultures.85By correctly understanding the "secular" as non-sectarian as opposed to non-faith, the terms of the debate, whether they be in the courtroom, classroom or public square, are enlarged to not simply tolerate, but to better understand, and seek guidance from, Canada's diverse faiths. However, if religious expression goes completely unchecked by the judiciary in the name of pluralism, there is a danger of tacitly encouraging and accepting religious extremism, preaching hatred and the infliction of tangible harm on others in the name of a superior metaphysical claim to truth. If Benson's perspective is one of largely unmitigated pluralism that hopes for a much more modest, deferential SCC in regards to religious groups and civil associations, then Bruce Mac- Dougall presents the opposite view. MacDougall compares the distinctions of heterosexual and homosexual rights made by the SCC in Trinity Western and the B.C. Court of Appeal in Chamberlain (which was overturned in certain aspects on appeal at the SCC) and the refusal of marriage commissioners to officiate at same-sex civil marriages to similar, yet unacceptable distinctions based on race or gender. On the marriage commissioner issue, he argues that it is constitutionally inappropriate to accommodate religious freedom in that it would deny equality of access for same-sex couple through the use of a "religious veto."86 In any other competing rights claim in the public sphere, MacDougall argues that freedom from discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation should prevail over religious sensibilities, though he is quick to say that this does not set up a hierarchy of Charter protections. In marked contrast to Benson, MacDougall posits that "in order for true equality to exist, the members of a group must not be shown just compassion and condonement, but must be celebrated by the state"87 (emphasis added). In sum, the full realization of dignity based on s. 15 rights not only requires equal treatment, but the public affirmation of homosexuality by the Canadian state and judiciary. The values of "tolerance" and "equality" would therefore become the vehicles for imposing a societal consensus on a divided public in the name of Charter values. The flaw in MacDougall's analysis is in the belief that greater social cohesion and understanding will flow from imposing this consensus in the name of dignity and the public affirmation of homosexuality. By relegating the dissenters to the private sphere, MacDougall fails to tackle the problem head on (ie. through dialogue, civil society and Elshtain's "dialectic of citizens") and compounds the lack of understanding and fragmentation of Canadian society. Lastly, MacDougall takes issue with the religious characterization of homosexuality as an issue of morality, arguing that such moralities of aspiration are not well suited to legal adjudication in a secular world. I would argue that different individual moralities of aspiration are exactly what are needed to reflect and affirm genuine tolerance and a plurality of worldviews in the public sphere.88 Somewhere in between Benson's religiously inclusive conception of the state and MacDougall's public affirmation of Charter values is Benjamin Berger's view of increased cultural pluralism in the public sphere, subject only to the "civic values" of security, dignity and autonomy. Berger writes that conventional approaches to liberalism and secularism have intensified the challenge of reconciling freedom of religion in a secular polity by providing a misguided vision of an a-religious and hyper-rational public space devoid of moral commitments.89 He goes on to describe the constitutional rule of law and religious freedom as a distinctly "cross-cultural encounter". Berger criticizes the fact the rule of law has been positioned as the arbiter of competing worldviews when rights collide, instead of a participant in a pluralistic public sphere. Accordingly, his solution to the doctrinal requirements of religion and law is "the invocation of a core set of civic values—the values that will guide liberalism and mediate pluralism."90 While this language of civic values appears to strike a balance between religious freedom and the security, autonomy and dignity of the individual, the interpretation of these broad, illdefined "values" has the potential to lead us back down the path of convergence. By elevating certain rights as Charter or civic "values," it imposes a "one size fits all" remedy when rights collide. The judicial treatment of dignity illustrates this vague and potentially overbroad application.91 If dignity were interpreted to mean public affirmation of homosexuality (as MacDougall has argued), then failure to affirm such dignity in the public sphere would leave little room for disagreement. In an indirect way, Berger's language of "civic values" could be used to impose a societal consensus and strip the public sphere from the cultural and religious pluralism he espouses. According to Benson: If citizens (religious and non), continue to attempt to speak to surrounding cultures in confused language (such as by misusing the term "secular" or using the pseudo-moral language of "values" when they mean an objective category of truth and meaning), they will never succeed in communicating those matters that are deepest and most essential to citizenship and culture."92Only by identifying and challenging some of the normative assumptions of underpinning the law, can we create a public sphere that accommodates a diversity of faiths, identities and cultures. However, the point of this paper is that pluralism should be mediated by the harm principle, not by civic values that can unwittingly bind liberalism to a rational consensus.Part IV: Liberalism Unbound: Towa rds a More Inclusive Public Sphere Liberalism needs to be reclaimed. Imposing a societal consensus as to the common good based on ill-defined "Charter values" flies in the face of liberalism's raison d'être and the modus vivendi principles that should guide a pluralistic society. Borrowing heavily from Kant, Hannah Arendt offers guidance with her theory of judgement based on an "enlarged mentality."93 It maintains that judgement is distinct from provable truth claims because it involves the act of reflecting on a matter from the perspective of others. Since judgement is seen as inherently subjective, it cannot compel others in the same way as an objective truth. We see these same ideas reverberating in Charles Taylor's discussion of the normative "good" and John Gray's principles of modus vivendi. Far from being universal, liberalism's exclusive focus on the individual is a relatively recent phenomenon that is grounded in the unique circumstances of the West. The ultimate supremacy of the individual and "secular reason" is deeply problematic for Aboriginals, ethnic groups in an increasingly multicultural landscape, and the millions of Canadians who cannot simply relegate their faith to the private sphere. But even the most pluralistic, accommodating liberalism is not a panacea. Since the courts and the state reason from a liberal paradigm with its faith in rationalism, skepticism, individualism and objectivity, liberalism is not seen as an ideology or cultural system in itself, but rather the impartial arbiter of ideological or cultural encounters in the public sphere. When rights collide, religion must ultimately "listen to reason."94 Applying Charter values should not mean relegating "dissenters" to their own private realms. Human dignity and religious accommodation are not mutually exclusive. The impact of litigating these polarizing positions in a "winner take all" courtroom is felt by more than just some irate fundamentalists. By stripping away religion from the public sphere, diversity is subtly transformed into fragmentation. When ethnic and religious groups are alienated in an a-religious and a-cultural public sphere (ironically, in the name of greater integration), such groups withdraw into their own ghettoized communities. If there is no space in the public sphere for moderate religion, it will retreat into greater extremism, stereotyping and lack of understanding. To take a recent example from Quebec, if Muslim girls are not allowed to play soccer while wearing the hijab for so-called safety reasons, they will simply stop (or be forced to stop) playing the game entirely.95 If elements of sharia law are not allowed to co-exist in family law arbitrations and tribunals, such disputes will disappear into the dark corridors of the private sphere, far from the scrutiny, accountability and civic value of the public sphere.96 If children of deeply religious families are faced with a public school system that does not accommodate certain views on early childhood education, the proliferation of home schooling and private, religious education could be close behind. This would have disastrous consequences for the public school system, not just financially, but in terms of the fundamental civic lessons of understanding, compromise, debate and respect for difference. To avoid this problem with the vague language of civic values, I have argued for a more accommodating form of liberalism limited only by Mill's harm principle. This principle was affirmed by Dickson, C.J. in Big M Drug Mart and Ross v. New Brunswick School District No. 1597 where the Court stated that an individual's freedom to express one's religious beliefs "is restricted by the right of others to hold and to manifest beliefs and opinions of their own, and to be free from injury from the exercise of the freedom of religion of others."98 Without elevating certain vague 'civic values' above all others (be they religious or not), it allows for a more clearly defined and modest balancing of competing rights in the public sphere. Viewing the same-sex marriage debate through the harm principle would go a long ways to pre-empt the valid criticisms of the courts imposing a rational consensus in the name of Charter values. It would be much more difficult to demonstrate the tangible harm inflicted on heterosexual couples by extending civil marriage to same-sex couples, especially considering the exemption in the Civil Marriage Act for religious marriage, which allows officials of religious groups to refuse to perform same-sex marriages. In The Collapse of the Harm Principle,99 Bernard Harcourt deconstructs the normative dimensions of the harm principle to show how it has been widely used in the United States for the de facto enforcement of morality. He illustrates how the harm principle has justified the regulation of pornography, prostitution, disorderly conduct, homosexuality, intoxication, drug use and fornication in support of a conserv